This sample of interview subjects were selected from 29 individuals who participated in 41 interviews. Obviously, as mentioned previously, some interviews stand alone, and others form part of a series conducted with the same subject. All these interviews were conducted over a period of fourteen months in the deparments of La Paz and Cochabamba, Bolivia. Of these interviews, almost a quarter were recorded on magnetic tape, the remainder being scribed during or after the event. The following three subjects belong to the former group. I have chosen these three women as case studies since they seem to represent a fair cross-section of both the female Bolivian population and the subjects of my interviews, and because each has an interesting contribution to make. They were also selected because I know a little about their lives, and therefore can make better judgements on the objectiveness of their interviews. Furthermore, they come from three very different backgrounds and social settings, which lends depth and perspective to their accounts.

Mari-Luz is a cook in her late fifties, who lives in El Alto (near La Paz), and who is originally from a small town near Lake Titicaca. She moved to La Paz when she was in her early teens, and worked as an empleada for most of her life. She is married, with grown up children, and grandchildren. Her extended family all live in the same area of El Alto. She describes herself as being a ‘Catolica buena [a good Catholic]’ (Source:Interview 1 1/2/96a), and regularly attends a Catholic church in El Alto with the rest of her family. However, she is also very proud and vocal about being Aymara, speaking Aymara at home, and to the kitchen staff, and wearing full Chola dress at all times.

Cecilia is a student of economics at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres. She works as a waitress at nights. She is in her early twenties, and is originally from La Paz. She lives with her parents and two adult brothers in Alto Sopocachi (a relatively nice area of La Paz). Her mother is a Chola, and has worked as an empleada (maid) and ninera (nanny) for the same family for many years. She is not married, and does not attend church regularly, although her brothers do (I am still unsure as to whether her parents belong to any particular church, as she did not like to discuss them).

Elena is the owner and manager of the family business - a second hand clothes shop in the busy and highly competitive district of similar shops next to La Cancha open-air market in Cochabamba. She is in her early forties, and is originally from Quillacollo, although her husband is from Oruro, and they have also lived there. She now lives with her husband and his mother on the outskirts of Cochabamba, by the lake. She has two children, both of whom are at University (in Oruro and Santa Cruz). She describes her family as being ‘ni ricos, ni pobres.. . tenemos suficiente, no mas [neither rich nor poor… we have enough, and that’s all’ (Source: Interview 2 9/4/96) She is Catholic, but (as far as I could tell) sceptical, although she attends church on a regular basis. However, all her children are baptised and have had their First Communions, and she observes all the Catholic holidays.

Case Study #1 - Mari-Luz

Mari-Luz, was instrumental in introducing me to a larger group of people (her friends, family and neighbours) after I met and first interviewed her on Martes de Ch’alla (also known as Ch’allaru (Quechua) or Ch’allaku (Aymara)) in February. I had been invited to attend a Ch’alla in a popular La Paz restaurant where she worked as the cook. She told me the order of proceedings on the day, and explained to me the importance of the ritual: ‘Es vida, es costumbre [it is life, it is tradition]’( Source: Inteview 1 1/2/96a) was a phrase she often used to explain the Ch’alla, which was an intensely frustrating response - as any Anthropologist will be aware. It was only after getting to know her better, and observing the importance of the ritual in her daily life, and the lives of those around her, that I was able to understand what she meant by that. She explained that on Martes de Ch’alla in La Paz, it is customary for people to gather in the places that are important to them. This could include your home, workplace or stall, workshop, your land or fields, or the instruments of your work (machinery, tools or vehicles). Then, each person present must be blessed with alcohol, sweet things and confetti placed on their heads. Then follows the most important part of the day. The area (or item) is blessed with alcohol, sweet and/or colourifil items (including handfbls of sugar and spices) bright colours and noise. It is important that each area is blessed properly - every corner of the kitchen including the cupboards and under the sink (this was, of course, an area of great importance for Mari-Luz, as it was her domain, and she ensured that we completed the blessing satisfactorily), all the knives and pans, etc.. In this area, as with the rest of the restaurant, it was necessary to ensure that each corner had been properly ‘covered’ as the corners are places where Pachamama likes to rest, and are easy to miss out. This is also a reason why, in another Andean ceremony, the corners of the foundation of a new house, or the area where a new house is to be built are very important, and are ritually blessed or “fed” with llama foetuses, food and alcohol. The toilets and corridors had been sprinkled with alcohol and sweets as well, and even the storeroom was blessed thoroughly. This, Mari-Luz explained, is because these are places which are easy to forget when considering the livelihood of the restaurant: if Pachamama sees that the toilets have not been blessed, she may bring sickness; if she sees that the storeroom has been ignored, she may become offended, and be angry with those who work there. It is therefore of great importance to remember to bless every corner. It is also of key importance to bless the area from the outside inwards This sentiment was echoed in a number of interviews, and the reason is because if the blessing is performed from inside-out, Pachamama may think you are trying to throw her out, whereas in starting off by sprinkling alcohol in the street, and then on the front step and door, and then moving inside, you are ushering her in, showing her the way.

After everybody present has received the blessing from an elder person in the group (in this case, Mari-Luz herself) of alcohol and sweet things and confetti, a ritual fire (mesa) is assembled, and burnt. This part of the Martes de Ch’alla proceedings will be explained fully within the context of the next interview. While the fire is burning, each person present is poured a drink (usually chicha, or, as in this case, beer) from which they perform their personal ch’alla action, of pouring a little onto the ground. Then everyone’s health is toasted with the drink, and coca leaves are passed around for chewing and offered to Pachamama by scattering on the ground. The group then sit chatting until the fire burns down, which can take a number of hours. This last event may seem to have no ritual significance, but I is, in fact, one of the keys to understanding the Ch’alla. By participating in ritual sociability (through the ritual of the Ch’alla itself), the community is strengthened.

Mari-Luz made a very interesting point when she said that the first thing to do when performing the rituals for Martes de Ch’alla, is to remember to pray to God. I was surprised, although I knew she was a practising Catholic, to hear that the Christian and Andean religions were mixed so freely in specific events, as well as in general day-to-day life. When I asked her about this, she answered simply ‘yo soy catolica, pero eso es costumbre de los abuelos [I am Catholic, but this is a tradition of my ancestors]’ (Source: Interview I 1/2/96a). She went on to explain that we had to pray to God, to ask His forgiveness for making offerings to Pachamama, a native deity. Apparently, once we had done this, we were free to participate in the rituals, as we had been forgiven by God.

This idea of Christian versus Andean religion, and of forgiveness and offerings in both, is a concept which merits an entire dissertation, as it is extremely complex and needs a great deal of research, and more knowledge of the Catholic Church than I possess and therefore will not be discussed in detail within this dissertation, although it is important to note that this kind of religious syncretism - and hybridisation - is common in Bolivia.

The other interesting point that Mari-Luz was keen to emphasise was that the ch’alla and mesa ritual of Ch’alla Tuesday is a social activity - that is to say that it is inappropriate (and would seldom occur in Bolivia) to perform this ritual by yourself It is very important to have other people present, to help to ‘invita a la Pachamama a su sitio [invite Pachamama into the place]’ (Source: Interview I I/2/96a), because if you do it alone, she may not feel welcomed. For this reason, it is common for many people to spend the day of Martes de Ch’alla travelling from place to place, in order to celebrate in other situations which are important to them, (e.g. home/work) or with other people close to them (e.g. friends/family/neighbours) On that one day, Mari-Luz expected to attend four celebrations; at her own home; at the restaurant; at her neighbour’s house; at her daughter’s house. This demonstrates the importance of the ch’alla as a community event, a point which will be discussed in a later section.*

* It may also be interesting to add that, since Martes de Ch’alla falls during Carnaval, before Lent, it is the same day as Shrove Tuesday. The restaurant in which Mari-Luz works is owned and run by an English man, and so the celebration was also for Pancake Day. This proved to be both interesting and valuable, as it enabled Mari-Luz and I to talk about the day’s events while I was showing her how to toss pancakes.